Vikings Attack! The Story of A Refugee in 1010

And so, I return after an unannounced absence: since I last wrote, I have written, submitted and passed my doctoral thesis. Hooray! I can now return to writing things that are (relatively) short, manageable and fun!

So, to the topic today: the Vikings.

Image: A Viking-age picture-stone depicting warriors in a ship, from Gotland, Sweden. Wikimedia, commons licence, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bildsten_fr%C3%A5n_Smiss,_Gotland.jpg

Scandinavian Warriors washed over England in several waves, from 793 through to the 1060s. At times they went in for smash-and-grab raids, at other times they got organized and took control over large parts of the British Isles.

The Vikings sometimes controlled and lived in London. On other occasions, they sacked and burned the city. For all of the dry facts that we know about the movements of armies and the rise and fall of individual kings, there is remarkably little detail or drama concerning what it was like to live through this period in our sources.

This begins to change in the later Viking attacks that started from 1002 and lasted for the next decade and a half. Several sources, both Viking and English, recount vivid stories in this period. In this blog and the next few, I am going to retell some of these stories.

Today it is the story of Aelwine of Bury, an English monk who made an epic journey through war-torn England to reach safety in London in 1010. His mission inspired two monks, Herman and Goscelin, to write accounts of his journey. Both were writing shortly after the Norman Conquest of 1066 – close enough that this account is probably not pure fiction, but far enough away for many of the details to become hazy.

Aelwine and the Corpse

In some ways, the story starts much earlier. In 869, an army of pagan Vikings tore through East Anglia. They captured the Saxon ruler of that area, King Edmund, and killed him. Because he was killed by heathens when defending a Christian realm, Edmund was soon acclaimed as a martyr. The church in which he was buried became a pilgrimage site, and later a monastery. The place where they buried St Edmund is today the fittingly-named town of Bury St Edmunds.

A twelfth-century depiction of the martyrdom of King Edmund, from the Morgan Library and Museum. Public domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:12th-century_painters_-_Life_of_St_Edmund_-_WGA15723.jpg

In the 1000s, there lived a layman in Bury named Aelwine. This was a time in which most monks would have been oblates, which meant that they had been donated to the monastery as a small boy by their parents. Aelwine had a particular devotion to St Edmund, which caused him to distain ‘worldly pomp’ and join the monastery as an adult, (Herman, Miracles of St Edmund p. 19).

Herman seems to have been employed as the personal keeper of the body of St Edmund. Many medieval people venerated relics – the holy bodies and body-parts of saints – in ways that we find quite strange today. In Aelwine’s case, this involved living with the body and acting as a ‘devoted servant’: ‘indeed, he often poured pure water over the incorrupt body and combed its hair, and he lovingly kept any hairs, drawn out of the comb, in a box, as relics’, (Herman, Miracles of St Edmund, p. 19).

Aelwine met with pilgrims and heard their problems. He would then go to the corpse of Edmund and ‘discuss various problems with the saint as one friend does with another, through the stillness of the night’, (Herman, Miracles of St Edmund, p. 19).

A Victorian Artistic depiction of St Edmund’s shrine at Bury, from Rev. Richard Yates, History and Antiquities of the Abbey of St Edmund’s Bury, (London, 1843). Public domain: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Shrine_pic.jpg

If he was alive today, the fact that Aelwine’s closest friendship was with a corpse may be considered concerning. By the standards of the day, he was showing piety, reverence and treating Edmund in a suitable way for a king or lord.

Enter the Vikings

A new wave of Viking invasions began in the early 1000s. In 1010, a Dane named Thorkell the Tall led an invasion that put Bury St Edmunds at risk. The Vikings had a habit of raiding wealthy monasteries and stealing their goods. And in Aelwine’s eyes, the greatest treasure at Bury was the body of St Edmund. Edmund was not just a valuable prize: he was also a resource of great spiritual power and the enemy absolutely could not be allowed to take him.

A Rune stone (U-344) that was erected at Uppland, Sweden, by a soldier who served under Thorkell the Tall in England. Commons Licence, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:U_344,_Orkesta.JPG

Aelwine placed the corpse in a casket and hoisted it onto a cart. He disguised himself as a pedlar and set off on a journey: he would take the relics to London, where they would be safe and their miraculous power could support the English against the invaders. Aelwine’s journey was tense:

Impelled by this fearful anxiety, he proceeded with extreme caution, wheeling the shafts as boldly as he dared, avoiding the highways wherever possible; keeping away from built-up areas; content at any humble lodgings. He was not unlike those pedlars who frequent markets to sell their goods, in that their homeward path is a road of dread: for they constantly watch their backs, nor are they less apprehensive of the road ahead of them’ (Herman, Miracles of Edmund, p. 29)

Aelwine thought he might have found a safe port of call in Essex. He called in with an old friend, a priest named Eadbriht, and asked to stay. Eadbriht, ‘frightened by the talk of the enemy all around’, said that they could not come in (Herman, Miracles of St Edmund, p. 31). He even denied them the shelter of his yard.

An example of a reconstruction of an Anglo-Saxon house, from West Stow. Commons licence, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Anglo_Saxon_House_at_West_Stow.jpg

Aelwine was not disheartened. He crawled into the coffin for shelter and reflected on his holy mission. Above him, divine lights appeared: ‘the monk reclined under the martyr, the martyr under the open sky, glittering under a radiant pillar of flowing light. O happy man!… Even the most eloquent orator would struggle to describe how delightful slumber and sweet repose relieved your sorrow and weariness alike’ (Goscelin, Miracles of St Edmund, p. 161).

St Edmund is crowned in glory in heaven, from New York, Morgan Library MS 736. Public domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Stedmundcrownedbyangelspierpontms736f42.jpg

Aelwine was jolted awake – the cart was moving! The spirit of St Edmund, ‘who had foreseen his enemies’ manoeuvres, preferred to get back on the road (Herman, Life of St Edmund, p. 31)’. As they rolled past the house where they had been denied shelter, Aelwine saw that it was ‘engulfed in avenging flames’, (Goscelin, Miracles of St Edmund, p. 163). Medieval religion was often a harsh and unforgiving one: Eadbriht had broken the rules of hospitality and for that crime, he had lost everything. Things weren’t all bad for him though, because he survived and later his son, would become an important abbot, (Herman, Life of St Edmund, p. 31).

Angels cause a building to burn down; an image of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah in New York, Morgan Library MS M.212. Copyright, Morgan Library, http://ica.themorgan.org/manuscript/page/5/112398

And so, the pilgrims rolled on towards London.

The Miracle of the Bridge

Aelwine had reached Stratford, which is now in East London (site of the Olympic park) and then was a village on the edge of things. It was just three miles to the city walls. He could see the cathedral. But there was an obstacle. The river Lea laid before him. And the bridge was ravished by war.

The River Lea at Clapton. Commons licence, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:River_Lea.jpg

Goscelin’s Miracles of St Edmund captures the tension of the situation best, (p. 163)

‘A narrow bridge lay across it, broken in many places and safe for none to tread, especially soldiers. He starts to cross, but the boards, being narrower than the cart, will not support it and prevent him. He wades into the water; the swollen torrent threatens shipwreck. What could he do; where could he go? The poor man has no idea. The bridge’s narrowness halts his advance; there is no solid path amid the waves, and no boat. The Dane is at his heels…’

For any of us, it would be a bleak moment. But Aelwine was a man of faith, indeed, blind faith. He drove the cart forward onto the bridge. I’d imagine in this situation that I’d be hiding my eyes behind my hands. Aelwine did not hide his eyes and so was able to see an incredible sight: one wheel of the cart was in contact with the bridge. The other hung over the edge, where it made contact with the surface of the river and – remarkably – continued it found a purchase and continued to move as if the water was solid. Jesus had walked on water – St Edmund could drive on water. Thus, they drove on forwards, Aelwine singing praises to St Edmund as he passed.

Entering London

Finally, they had arrived! Aelwine had brought his precious cargo to London. (Or, given how much of the heavy lifting has been done by miracles, perhaps it is more accurate to say that Edmund had brought Aelwine to London).

They pulled through Aldgate and entered the walled city. Goscelin says of London: ‘Whoever has entered its gates, however grand, will appreciate all the more that he was entering a city of wonders. Sick folk afflicted with various ailments congregate; the streets throng with a multitude of the infirm’. (Goscelin, Miracles of St Edmund, p. 165).

An Illustration of Aldgate, from around 1600. Public domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:1600_Aldgate.jpg

Soon, Edmund’s miraculous effects were working: the blind could see, the dumb could talk, the deaf could hear! A paralysed woman who had for all of her life been carried in a basket suddenly leapt free! ‘Edmund’s name, Edmund’s praise, Edmund’s glory resounds from everyone’s lips…the ringing air grew thick with the shouts of people amazed at the stream of miracles’, (Goscelin, Miracles of St Edmund, p. 165).

There was one person who was left out. A crippled woman, lying in bed, heard the shouts. She desperately wanted to join the crowd, but she was unable to stand. She wailed out ‘Woe is me!’, convinced in her heart that one touch of the holy relic would be enough. And because of her faith, suddenly her legs became straight. She took a step, tentatively at first, and then ran forward, crying Edmund’s praises! She was the eighteenth person to be cured on that day, (Goscelin, Miracles of St Edmund, pp. 165-9).

A procession of clergy, lay elites and magnates gathered and lifted the holy relics onto their shoulders and bore him up to the Church of St Gregory, which was the parish church attached to the Cathedral.

A funeral procession at a medieval procession at Old St Paul’s, from a fifteenth-century Book of Hours, from British Library Additional MS 27697; pubic domain, see https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Funeral_Procession_-_15th_Century_-_Project_Gutenberg_eText_16531.jpg

In the crowd was one wealthy Dane who was ‘inflexible and swollen with pride’. He pressed himself forward and found that the Cathedral priests were drawing a curtain around the holy relics. He demanded to see for himself what the fuss was about and so rudely yanked at the curtain. Yet, try as he might, he couldn’t see the coffin behind. He was quickly struck blind. He threw himself on the ground, wailing and begging forgiveness: his tears, Goscelin cruelly notes, became his baptismal waters, and soon the man became a Christian (Miracles of St Edmund, pp. 169-171).

Edmund’s coffin had been installed. A respectful curtain was pulled around. The people of London showed due reverence and respect. They had arrived. Aelwine had achieved his mission. Edmund was safe.

A crowd thronged around it. They had arrived.

The Punishment of Sweyn

This wasn’t the end of Aelwine’s story. Edmund was safe, but the land was still being ravished by Vikings. King Sweyn of Denmark invaded in August 1013 and declared himself to be King of England on Christmas day of that year.

Aelwine met with pilgrims coming to the shrine of Edmund and heard from them the great exactions, taxes and violence of Sweyn’s rule. He talked all night about their problems with Edmund’s corpse in the macabre way that was his habit.

In his dreams, Aelwine heard Edmund’s voice. He had a message for Sweyn: ‘Why do you rage against my people? Why do you make them pay tribute?… If you do not stop this trouble, you will quickly learn that God and I, the champions of our people, are displeased with you’, (Herman, Life of St Edmund, p. 19). Aelwine new that it was his dangerous task to deliver this confrontational message to the Viking King.

Sweyn, depicted as king of England, in a thirteenth century miniature in Cambridge University Library MS Ee.3.59. Public domain, see https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sweyn_Forkbeard.jpg

When he arrived at Sweyn’s court, ‘the place was packed with Danish and wretched English courtiers’, (Herman, Life of St Edmund, p. 21). Aelwine laid out in eloquent the martyr’s demands: Sweyn must cease oppressions, or face Edmund’s wrath.

‘Fierce Sweyn…started like a lion’, and scorned both Aelwine and the martyr Edmund. (Herman, Life of St Edmund, p. 21). Aelwine was scorned, insulted and exiled from the court.

A vision of Edmund appeared, telling Aelwine that he had nothing to fear from earthly kings. This didn’t comfort Aelwine as much as you might expect. He still lived in fear that Sweyn’s wrath would fall upon him and the monk fled into the night.

On the road one night, he found a band of soldiers ahead of him. Aelwine turned back but found another behind him. Worse still, they were speaking in Danish! There was no way out – he had to walk past them. The soldiers shouted out his name – they recognized him from court! He feared that the time of his death had arrived.

A fanciful depiction of the death of Sweyn Forkbeard, from Cambridge University Library MS Ee.3.59. Public domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Swen_smrt.gif

And then they told him the news: Sweyn was dead, struck down by divine providence shortly after he had banished Aelwine. Edmund had saved the day! Aelwine was safe!

There is obviously a lot of embellishment in this story, but in reality, Sweyn’s reign was short and troubled: it lasted only from December 1013 to February 1014.

Homecoming

Safety was returning to the land at last. It was time for Aelwine to bring Edmund’s body home. There was, however, a problem. Edmund’s cult was too popular in London. The masses were devoted to their new saint and the Bishop of London loved that his city was now the centre of a cult. It would be very difficult to extract the body.

Aelwine asked for permission to take the relics home. The bishop gathered twelve men and brought them to the shrine of Edmund: they planned to take the relics into protective custody, to stop the monks of Bury taking them back. But as they tried to lift the coffin, suddenly they found that it was heavy – impossibly heavy. They simply couldn’t lift it.

Aelwine entered the church and laid a hand on the coffin. Suddenly, it was light as a feather and he carried it back to his cart. Edmund had spoken. His time in London was over. A sad crowd of pilgrims gathered and followed him well beyond the walls.

The natural home of St Edmund – St Edmundsbury Cathedral as it appears today. Commons licence, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:St_Edmundsbury_Cathedral_Exterior,_Suffolk,_UK_-_Diliff.jpg

This time, Aelwine did not need to hide or use back routes. He rode proudly through the countryside and the pious Christians of each village received him gladly. At Bury, the townsmen and monks received them in procession. Finally, Edmund was at home

What do we make of it?

You may be able to tell from how much detail I have gone into on this tale that I really enjoyed reading and rewriting the tale of Aelwine and Edmund. Both Herman and Goscelin have a knack for vivid storytelling and capturing small and interesting details. Aelwine faces genuine adversity, although the fact that he has some all-powerful saints’ relics in his back pocket at all times prevents any of these situations from becoming properly tense.

St Edmund’s church in Lombard Street, London: this church was dedicated to St Edmund as part of a continuing relationship between the city and the saint after Edmund’s relics left. Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Lombard_Street,_London.jpg

We probably shouldn’t take these stories as being very accurate descriptions of the time period. Edmund’s relics really were seconded to safety in London, and Aelwine is probably based on a real person. Beyond this, most of the story is sketchy – the ability of our authors to put national events in the right order can be quite hit and miss.

What we perhaps can get from these stories is something of how it feels to live in a medieval kingdom during an invasion or civil war. Goscelin and Herman were both of the generation who had come over in the Norman conquest. They lived through the frequent revolts and civil wars of the post-Conquest generation. They knew what it was like to live in a land ravaged by war.

Whilst I wouldn’t trust most of the facts in these accounts, some of the most vivid and memorable experiences ring true: fleeing before a powerful army, important men disguising themselves as nobodies in order to avoid detection, fear and apprehension upon meeting soldiers, or making your way to the nearest large city to find safety. Many of the refugees who were in this situation must have wished for a divine protector: in this story at least, the relics of St Edmund answered that call.

References: Herman the Archdeacon and Goscelin of Saint-Bertin, Miracles of St Edmund, Ed./trans. Tom Licence, Oxford Medieval Texts, (Oxford, 2014).

Advertisement

A wandering saint in London: St Catroe and the great fire of c. 945

London is a city full of people on the move: immigrants, tourists, students and commuters enter and leave the city every day. Many people assume that in the middle ages, things were much more static. In fact, medieval London was a hub for travellers.

Today I want to look at the life of one wandering miracle worker who passed through late Anglo-Saxon London: St Catroe.

The young Catroe:

Catroe was from an aristocratic family in Scotland: one of those for whom the destiny of every member is mapped out for them, before they were even born.

This was very literally true for poor little Catroe: on the day of his conception, an angel appeared to his parents to tell them: ‘God has commanded that you shall conceive, and bear a son, Catroe by name, a future light of the church’, (Life of Catroe, p. 432). When his parents came to pick a nanny for the young child, Catroe’s mother was guided by a vision that a hawk landed on the lady’s shoulder, (Life, p. 432-3).

When his parents were deciding how best to educate young Catroe, a cousin named Bean of Iona burst into the room and declared that God had spoken to him and told him that the boy must become a priest. Catroe’s parents were a bit put out: their only son was ‘the staff of his parents’ age’, they said, the one who would support them as they got old. But immediately afterwards, they conceived a brother for Catroe despite their great age, (Life, p. 433-4). God had spoken. Catroe was going to holy orders.

The remains of the monastery of Iona, home to Bean of Iona. Commons licence, Ray Jones: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Abbey_on_the_Isle_of_Iona_-_geograph.org.uk_-_1459438.jpg

Many saints’ lives include heavenly signs and prophecies which point the holy man on to the right path. Most saints accept them gladly. Catroe though was a different sort of boy. He had a rebellious streak. He resented the way that Bean was moulding his life and telling him what he could be.

One day, news came to Catroe that his old nanny and her husband had been seized by Vikings. Catroe ran away from the monastery and armed himself. He pulled together a fleet of boats and pursued vengeance.

A Viking fleet, from a twelfth century manuscript. Public domain: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Wikinger.jpg

But Bean tracked the vengeful warrior down and told him: this isn’t God’s will. Catroe wouldn’t listen. Bean produced a copy of the gospels and opened it at a random verse: it read ‘If anyone take from thee what is thine, seek in not again’. The decision belonged to God, not Catroe, (Life, pp. 435-6).

Wandering mind, wandering spirit:

Catroe stayed with the church and worked hard. He was a natural prodigy:

‘all that poet has sung or orator spoken, all that philosopher has imagined, he learned; nothing escaped him. He exhausted everything that has been discovered by any one through number, measure and weight, through touch and hearing; lastly, the hidden movements and courses of the stars he described with compasses more learnedly than Eginus, than whom I doubt if any is more distinguished in the hierarchy of the sky’

Life of Catroe, p. 437).

Catroe established himself as a teacher of teachers: a sort of proto-professor, long before universities existed. His mind wandered far, but his body remained rooted firmly in place.

Armagh Cathedral: Catroe undertook much of his education at Armagh. Commons licence: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Armagh_Cathedral_(Church_of_Ireland).jpg

One night, whilst Catroe was praying, a voice spoke to him: ‘Depart from your land and from your kindred, and from your father’s house, and come into the land which I shall show you’, (Life, p. 438-9). Catroe immediately began to prepare for a pilgrimage.

Unfortunately, half of Scotland was set on stopping him. A mighty throng of people came forward and caught him at the monastery of St Brigit. It was led by Constantine, King of Alba (d. 952), who begged Catroe to stay for the good of the nation. It also included ‘a crowd of nobles and peasants’, who begged him not to leave. Catroe tried to reassure them: ‘I shall not forsake you since, wherever I am I shall keep you in my remembrance’. This wasn’t enough for them. They picked up the holy relics of the church and demanded that he yield to them. But Catroe could not be convinced.

The Book of Kells, which is thought to have been produced at Iona. Iona is one of the places where Catroe would have been educated, and may have taught. Public domain: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:KellsFol032vChristEnthroned.jpg

The crowd still had one more trick up their sleeves. From the back of the church emerged Catroe’s own parents. They were not happy that he was leaving. ‘If we cannot prevail with prayers, we shall restrain you with imprisonment and iron chains!’ his father cried.

‘This is in your power’, Catroe replied, ‘but so long as I am in chains, I will by no means drink or eat’.

Constantine II, king of Alba; a portrait of an obviously much later date. Public domain: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Constantine_II_of_Scotland.jpg

Finally, the abbot of the monastery stepped forwards to mediate. Catroe would go but he would take some of the people with him. The king and the nobles would provide him with all that he could need: gold, silver, horses and men. Finally, Catroe could leave!

Catroe in London:

Catroe and his retinue headed south, to London. London must have come as a shock to a man raised in rural Scotland: it would have been far larger and more intimidating than any settlement he had ever seen before.

He stopped over in London with a man called Ecgfrith: the story is rather vague about who he was, beyond that he was powerful and had a hall large enough to host Catroe and his men.

A reconstruction of an Anglo-Saxon interior. A workshop from the West Stow Anglo-Saxon village. Commons licence by Midnightblueowl, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:West_Stow_workshop_interior.jpg

During the night, Catroe would have been awoken by shouts and yells, and by the distant sound of roaring and of collapsing wood. The greatest of all of the urban hazzards had struck: a fire! Our storyteller says:

‘By carelessness, that city was set on fire, and the larger part of it was already consumed; triumphant flame was licking what remained. Then God chose to declare what merit Catroe had in him. He was asked by the old man to rescue by prayer those who were perishing.

Trusting in the Lord, Catroe ran between the fire and the remnants of the city. Turning to the Lord, he said: “Lord, everything that exists obeys you. Bid then the terrors of the raging flames to cease!”.

This he said, briefly, and he raised his hand and commanded the flames to die down. Then one might see the flame bent back as by the force of the wind and, gradually subsiding, die out. Thus, the city was delivered, to the joy of all’.

Life of Catroe, p. 441-2).
An Anglo-Saxon house on fire: detail from the Bayeux tapestry. Public domain, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:BayeuxTapestryScene47.jpg

Catroe the wanderer:

Catroe had performed his first true miracle! His fame spread and he was quickly brought to meet the king and the archbishop of Canterbury. They lent him all of the assistance that they he asked for and Catroe was soon ready to set sail.

But at the coast, something strange happened. Catroe loaded all of his men and horses and goods onto ships and set out to sea. But the winds turned against them and drove them back to shore. The heavens were cursing the mission!

‘All were disturbed, but Catroe was attacked by grief’, his biographer tells us (Life, p. 442). He set about fasting until he collapsed, exhausted. As he lay weakly on the couch a voice spoke to him: ‘All those that are with you shall not be able to cross the see, lest they prevent you in God’s way that you have entered. Persuade therefore your men to return; and then, after crossing the see, you shall rejoicing be reach the father shore’, (Life, p. 443).

An image of a ship caught in a storm. Here, St Claudius intervenes and saves the sailors. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Book_of_Hours_of_Simon_de_Varie_-_KB_74_G37a_-_folio_010v.jpg

Catroe was a noble at birth: always surrounded by others, always with a retinue. He always had a powerful relative, telling him what his destiny was. But on that day, he dismissed his men. He stood alone on the beach and looked out at the wider world. He set sail on a voyage into the unknown. And he was alone.

Postscript:

Catroe would go on to travel across Europe. He would become a wandering monk and a miracle worker. Eventually he would settle at Metz in modern day Germany where he became abbot and teacher until his death in 971. At Metz he made a very significant impression on one of his pupils, Reimann, who would later go on to write a biography of his old teacher.

It is thanks to this biography that we know anything at all about Catroe’s adventures. Saints’ lives are an odd genre: the Life of Catroe is a mixture of convincingly realistic social and psychological detail, with some very odd visions and magical happenings.

Gorze Abbey, near Metz: one of the monastries at which Catroe served as a monk. Public domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Eglise_de_Gorze.JPG

Even amongst the medieval weirdness, I think there are some things that can speak through the ages. Many modern migrants would recognise Cathoe’s story of wanderlust. They can recognise both the pain of leaving behind their old life, and the promise that comes from striking out on your own. They can recognise his determination to make his name on his own, and on his own terms.

Catroe was only briefly in London, but I think his story can still speak to many Londoners today.

For further reading:

Alan Macquarrie, ‘Catroe’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, https://ezproxy-prd.bodleian.ox.ac.uk:4563/10.1093/ref:odnb/4312 (2004).

‘Life of St Catroe’, ed. and tr. A.O. Anderson, Early Sources of Scottish History, A.D. 500 to 1286, pp. 431-443 https://archive.org/details/cu31924028144313/page/n589

The Guildhall Giants, Gog and Magog

Enter the London guildhall today and look up. You will notice two very odd looking and rather unusual interlopers from a former time. These are two figures made of papier mâché, proportioned like dwarves but the size of giants. One is named Gog and the other is named Magog, and they are the mascots of London. They have historically been wheeled out to take part in public events such as the Lord Mayor’s show. But who are they and how did they come to be here?

Gog and Magog, the Guildhall, London
I think that this is Magog, but I’m not quite sure. From Snapshooter 46

Attentive readers of this blog may perhaps have had a flashback at their name. Previously I blogged about the medieval legend of Brutus of Troy. In it, Brutus led a band of warriors who fought with Gogmagog, king of the giants. They slew the fearsome Gogmagog, and took possession of Britain. This Brutus to found London.

It’s pretty clear that Gogmagog is related to Gog and Magog. Gogmagog belonged to Geoffrey of Monmouth and his Latin chronicles, written and read by churchmen. Gog and Magog are something a bit different: popular folklore that belong to the people of London.

Gog and Magog, the Guildhall, London
Possible Gog, but again, I’m not totally sure. Snapshooter 56

By investigating Gog and Magog, maybe we can get a bit closer to the people of medieval and Tudor London. We can understand what they knew of the ‘official’ history of London – what they kept, what they added and what they changed.

Gog and Magog probably represent two different strands of street theatre: one linked to the Mayor, the other to the King. Both go back to the 1400s.

The Mayor’s Giant

In the 1400s, the biggest party day of the year was midsummer. This was the day of the ‘Great Watch’. Originally it was a parade in which London mustered its military forces. But during the 1400s it came to be an all-round celebration with massive pageants and street theatre, much like the Lord Mayor’s Show is today.

Bruts fights the giants of Albion. From British Library, Harley 1808. Public domain.

Every year at the head of the pageant, there was at least one giant. The Venetian ambassador in 1521 wrote home about the ‘very tall canvas giant, armed with bows, arrows, sword and buckler, so constructed that he turned about from side to side, looking in every direction’.

The exact set up of the giant changed year on year. Some years there was only one, who walked at the head of the Mayor’s pageant. Other years there were three groups of giants, one for the mayor, and one each for the two sheriffs. In some years there were male and female giants together, or figurines representing giant children.

A nineteenth century image of the Guildhall Gogmagog. Public domain

The focus on Giant families probably means that these were meant to represent Albina and her race of ancient giants, who were supposedly the first inhabitants of Britain.

The Great Watch became increasingly unruly. Henry VIII had been a fan of it early in his reign and even dressed up as a commoner so that he could go and join the crowd. However, by the 1530s he began to see it as an unruly threat, a time of disorder and chaos. Great Watches became less and less frequent, and after the 1540s they never happened again.

The King’s Giant

In 1432 London held a massive parade for the young King, Henry V. As Henry crossed London bridge, he encountered a massive figurine of a giant, named Champion. As the poet laureate John Lydgate wrote at the time:

Entering the bridge of this noble city,

there was a pillar raised like a tower,

And thereupon stood a sturdy [Giant, named] Champion

Of look and cheer stern, like a lion.

His sword up reared, proudly with menace,

And in defence of the King’s state royal,

The giant would abide each adventure,

And all assaults that are martial,

For the king’s sake he proudly would endure.

In token whereof the Giant had an inscription

On either side declaring his intent

Which said thus, by good advisement:

“All those that be enemies of the king,

I shall them clothe with confusion,

and make him mighty by virtuous living,

His mortal foes to oppress and bear down,

And him to increase as Christ’s champion,

All mischiefs from him to abridge!”

John Lydgate, Triumphal Entry of Henry VI, 1432. See here.

Champion the giant represented London. The massive power of the city and its military might would always be used as a champion for the king.

A French example of a royal entry, from 1450s. Public domain.

Londoners liked the figure of champion, who first appeared in the great Triumphal entry of 1413. They kept messing with the format: in 1415 in the celebrations for the battle of Agincourt, Champion had a wife and a message that he would ‘teach the French some courtesy!’. In 1421 he had a hinging mechanism that allowed him to bow to the queen. However, by the mid-1400s, Champion the giant seems to have gone out of fashion and wasn’t much used in royal pageants any more.

Old London bridge. The giant pageants mostly would have occured on the south gate. Public domain.

The death of Henry VIII left England an uncertain and fearful place. His son, Edward was still a child. The next in line were the Catholic Mary and her younger sister Elizabeth. Civil war and religious war beckoned. In this disordered atmosphere, some looked backwards for answers. And Londoners rediscovered Champion.

For the coronations of Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth, giants made a comeback. London was to be represented by two giant figurines again. But this time they were given different names: Gogmagog and Corineus. At Mary’s coronation, the two figures acted out their battle in a reference to London’s founding myth.

Gog and Magog, the modern giants

Ever Queen Mary’s coronation, London has always kept two figurines of giants in the Guildhall. They’ve been rebuilt a couple of times and their names have changed a bit, but there has been some basic continuity.

A nineteenth century image of Gog/Corineus, Public domain

Londoners stopped using them for Royal coronations. However, in the late 1500s, they invented a new festivity: the Lord Mayor’s show. This came to be every bit as big and exciting as the Great Watch had previously been. The two figures that they made for Mary’s Coronation appear to have been wheeled out most years for the past 500 or so to join the celebrations. Over time they have become a part of the city’s folklore. The name ‘Gogmagog’ has split in half and the two figures are now known as Gog and Magog.

Enterprising Londoners added to the Folklore. By 1728, Elkanah Settle’s New History of the Trojan Wars and Troy’s Destruction added a new layer of myths. The Guildhall was now said to be the remains of Brutus’s ancient palace. Brutus had led two giants, Gog and Magog, in chains into London after his victory. He set them as porters at his door, and the effigies remained in the guildhall forever as tokens of the victory of man over giant.         

The Giant surveys his domain in the Guildhall. From the Guildhall website.

Of course, they’ve been rebuilt a few times since then. They were rebuilt once in the early eighteenth century, and another time after they were burned by German bombs in the blitz.

All Hallows by the Tower: a window on Anglo-Saxon London

In September 1666, the Great Fire devastated London. In a desperate scramble, the authorities at the Tower of London set about destroying buildings to create a fire block between the city and the Tower of London.

Diarist and man about town Samuel Pepys ran from the flames towards the tower. He stopped off at the church of All Hallows by the Tower, and climbed its steeple. From it, he watched the world burn. He wrote in his diary:

“So I made myself ready presently, and walked to the Tower, and there got up upon one of the high places, Sir J. Robinson’s little son going up with me; and there I did see the houses at that end of the bridge all on fire, and an infinite great fire on this and the other side the end of the bridge; which, among other people, did trouble me for poor little Michell and our Sarah on the bridge.”

Samuel Pepys Diary, September 1666: see here.

Most of the medieval and early modern city passed away on a single day. But the actions of the men at the tower meant that a little pocket of the medieval and early modern city survived in the very east corner of the London.

Today I want to look at All Hallows by the Tower, one of London’s great survivors. Today this little church is a time capsule for two thousand years of London’s history.

Above: All Hallows by the Tower in 1955. The tower, built in 1658, is the same one that Pepys would have climbed. Commons license

The earliest architecture on the site can be found in the basement, where a Roman pavement peeks through the floor. It is thought to be the floor from a second century house.

The roman pavement. Taken from trip advisor, see here

The church was built on top of this Roman layer. Its origins can be dated as far back as 675, when it was founded by the nun and saint, Ethelburgh (Aethelburh) of Barking. On this blog we have met Ethelburgh and her brother Erkenwald bishop of London in other posts.

It was long thought that there were no traces left of this early Anglo-Saxon church. However, in 1940 the church was hit by a falling German bomb. Amid the tumbling masonry some fascinating discoveries were made. Within the walls was hiding an old Anglo-Saxon arch.

Above: The Anglo-Saxon arch of All Hallows by the tower. Taken from the parish website, here.

We can’t date this arch precisely, but one interesting feature is that the top of the arch is made up mostly from recycled Roman bricks and tiles – this probably suggests that it was put up at a time when Roman ruins were still visible and accessible. It probably argues for an early date.

A little later in the Anglo-Saxon period, a crypt was built. This is now the under-croft chapel. There are still some Anglo-Saxon burials here.

The Undercroft chapel. Taken from the parish website, here.

Several other Anglo-Saxon and medieval artifacts can be seen in the church’s museum, including an Anglo-Saxon stone cross with an inscription that states that it was made by Thelvar.

The church also has numerous medieval and Tudor tombs. Perhaps the most remarkable survival is this Tate panel, a late fifteenth century Flemish altarpiece

The Tate alterpiece, from the Parish website, here

All Hallows by the Tower is a building with so many layers of history buried within it. People sometimes think that all of Old London passed away with the great fire. In All Hallows by the tower we can get a little window onto Anglo-Saxon and medieval London.

The main aisle of All Hallows by the Tower. Commons licence.

If you liked this blog post then why not check out the virtual tour of All Hallows by the Tower on the parish website; or maybe listen to this podcast by London Undone.

Trojan Tales: London’s epic (and fake) origin story

Some people suggest that typos are not a big deal, and that we should all relax about spelling and grammar. Today’s blog is a cautionary tale.

Ancient Roman authors tell us that the ancient British tribe that lived in the London area was called the Trinobantes. (If you want to learn more about the real history of early London, I have blogged about it here).

It only took a small typo in medieval manuscript tradition for that to become Troinovantes, which happens to mean ‘New Trojans’.

The first known person to make this spelling mistake was a Welsh monk and historian, Nennius, who was writing in about 830 A.D. He stated that the Britons were New Trojans, but was a bit hazy on the actual details. How exactly had these Trojans got here?

The British Isles was crying out for a historian with enough guts, enough storytelling verve and enough of a disregard for basic facts to tell us more about these Trojans. Finally, around the year 1140, one Geoffrey of Monmouth answered the call.

Merlin dictates his prophecies to a clergyman, who might be a representative of Geoffrey of Monmouth. Public domain.

Geoffrey of Monmouth was a historian who never met a tale he considered too tall. Only Geoffrey of Monmouth could take a small spelling mistake and spin it into a national epic.

His History of the Kings of Britain is best known today for giving us Arthur and his wizard Merlin in some of their earliest recognizable forms. But the earlier parts of his chronicle are, if anything, even more exciting and even more action packed.

Today I want to retell the story of Brutus of Troy, the geographically confused Trojan who allegedly founded London. Throughout the middle ages, London was very proud of its Trojan legend – apparently there was even a proposal in the 1380s to rename the city ‘Little Troy’.

The Beginning

It all began with the Trojan war. So many great storytellers have already covered this topic, and I really can’t claim to do it justice here. The Greeks went to war with the Trojans and fought for ten long years outside the city walls. It was a war so epic that the Greek poet Homer literally wrote an epic about it (The Illiad).

Facing a stalemate, the Greeks gave the Trojans a peace offering of a gigantic wooden horse. The Trojans were happy to accept it: little did they know that Greek soldiers were hiding in its belly. That night, the soldiers escaped and sacked the city. Most of the Trojans were either slaughtered or enslaved

The Trojan horse. Public domain.

The very same night, visions of the dead appeared to Aeneas, prince of Troy. Get out, they warned him, while you still can! Aeneas and his family scrambled to the harbour, which was lit by the fire of the burning city. They took a small boat and sailed sadly onwards. They would go on to have a journey so epic that Roman poet Virgil literally wrote an epic about it (The Aeneid).

Aeneas flees the burning city. Public domain

They found a new home in Italy. There Aeneas married a princess and founded a dynasty of Kings. Decades later, these Italian Trojans would go on to found the city of Rome.

Brutus, the cursed child

We pick up the story with Aeneas’s grandson, Prince Silvius. Silvius had just knocked up a woman, out of wedlock. The royal soothsayers were asked: would it be a boy or a girl.

The reply came: the child would be a boy. But that boy had a terrible fate awaiting him. He would slay both of his parents and live a life of exile. (The royal soothsayers were apparently happy to answer questions that no one had asked).

Silvius didn’t like this message. But the pregnancy proved long and complicated. A boy was born, but his mother perished. The first part of the prophecy had come true.

A medallion of Brutus of Troy, of 1553. Public domain.

He named the boy Brutus. There were whispers in the court about the curse carried by this child. But Silvius ignored them. It had to be a coincidence? Silvius raised Brutus to be a prince and taught him all of the arts of war and princely behaviour.†††

When Brutus was fifteen years old, his father took him hunting in the woods. The two became separated. Brutus sent an arrow whistling through the undergrowth to strike his pray. Unwittingly, he struck his own father dead.

There was no one in Italy now to protect young Brutus. He was driven out, exiled and forced to seek out his fortune and livelihood alone.

Trojan Knights, Trojan Slaves

Brutus was a prince no more. But he still has his training in war, hunting and princely manners. He became a knight errant and wandered the world.

His travels took him to Greece, where he served under the mighty King Pandrasus. Brutus performed great feats of honour and fought in many battles. He built up riches in spoils of war, but then gave them away to the fighting men, ensuring his popularity. He met with wise sages and learned from them. In some ways he was living a charmed life. But there was something troubling him.

A tournament. This is the sort of thing that Knights errant usually do. Public domain.

Wherever he went, slaves flocked to his side. They were the decedents of the Trojans, the once might people brought low by war. The slaves were excited to see one of their own, living life as a prince. They begged him to free them. But he could do nothing.

A squabble erupted at the court of King Pandrasus. One of the nobles, Assacarus, was half Trojan. His enemies argued that Assacarus had no right to be a noble or hold castles and property. Assacarus was being pushed to the edge. He appealed to Brutus for help. This squabble would lead to out and out war.

The Battle for Freedom

Brutus and Assacarus rallied the slaves. Seven thousand flocked to them. They had to turn this rag-tag bunch into a functioning army. They took up station in the woods near Assacarus’s castle and adopted guerrilla tactics.

Brutus delivered a letter to Pandrasus: To Pandrasus, king of the Greeks, I Brutus leader of the Trojans send greetings. Although we are an ancient and noble people, we have chosen to live as if primitive people in the woods. This is because is better to live simply and to be free than to live in palaces as a slave. If this offends your power then please forgive us; but freedom and dignity is what every slave desires. If you can accept this, then let us live out our lives in peace in the secluded glades of the forest; or else let us leave your country. If not, then prepare for war. †

A stealthy man in a medieval forest. Public domain.

Pandrasus gathered his army and marched towards Assacarus’s castle. The Greeks had the siege engines, the wealth and more men. Brutus knew that in a conventional war, the Trojans didn’t have a chance. He had to find a way to even the odds.

Instead the Trojans melted into the woods. They pounced when the Greeks least expected it and pinned them against a river. Some drowned, many were killed. The Trojans took many prisoners, including the king’s own brother, Antigonus.

Archers on the cliff over a river fire arrows on unsuspecting soldiers beneath them. Credit to Biblotheque Nationale de France, here.

The war was now personal for King Pandrasus. He pressed on his remaining forces and besieged the fortress of Assacarus. The Greeks settled in for a siege.

A few days later, something unexpected happened. A Greek noble who had been captured by Trojans showed up. ‘We escaped’, he said. ‘But Antigonus is injured. Come and help me move him’. The noble led the best of the King’s guard into the dark of the wood. And there, Brutus fell on them.

The Greeks were badly weakened. Brutus calculated: one last push and we can win this. In the dead of the night, the Trojans attacked the royal camp from three directions at once. The Greeks were sleeping and barely had time to find their weapons. The king was captured. Victory belonged to the Trojans.

Brutus’s Odyssey

Brutus was now in possession both of the King and of his brother. With these two valuable lives he could buy the freedom of an entire people.

The Trojans had to work out what they wanted to ask for. Some suggested that they should demand a half or a third of the kingdom. Brutus however was sceptical: Trojans and Greeks have fought together so often. If we stay here, won’t we just end up fighting this war again?

Brutus proposed a more radical scheme: the Greeks would give treasure and ships to the Trojans. The Trojans would agree to leave and to seek their fortunes elsewhere. Their agreement with the Greeks was to be sealed with a marriage between Brutus and Pandrasus’ daughter, Innogene.

A ship beset by sirens. Creative commons licence

The deal was signed, and Brutus led the Trojans into exile. Poor Innogene was led away from her people and the land she knew. Geoffrey tells us that she climbed to the highest part of the ship and stared at the horizon. Once Greece passed out of site, she swooned with grief into Brutus’s arms.

A few days later the landed on Lefkada. In ancient times there had been a city here, but now the buildings were fading into the forest. Poking out of the forest was a temple to the Goddess Diana. Brutus made offerings there, and asked the goddess the most important question: where should we Trojans settle? By the magic of the place, the goddess’s image replied. Diana said that there was a place at the ends of the world, the island of Albion, which would be perfect place to build a new Troy.

A medieval image of Diana, being painted by the female artist Timarete. Taken from this website.

Back on the high seas, the crew passed many obstacles – so many that I won’t describe them all. They landed Africa, had a run in with some Sirens, and fought in a civil war in Aquitaine in the South of France.

Only one of these adventures is important to the plot. In somewhere around Italy (Geoffrey’s geography is a bit hazy on geography) they came across a lost colony of Trojans. They were led by Corineus, a man of huge strength and remarkable skill at war. He was in every way Brutus’s equal, and joined the crew as deputy leader.†

The figurine of Corineus in the Guildhall. Public domain.

The Trojans sailed on towards the lands on the edge of the known world. In the year 1136 B.C. they finally reached the shores of the island of Albion. They landed, according to tradition, on the site of the modern town of Totness.

This stone in Totness marks the supposed spot at which Brutus first landed in Britain. Creative Commons licence.

The Giants of Albion

To understand what happened next, we need to backtrack about two and a half centuries and re-locate to Syria. There was a mighty king in that country named Diocletian. He tried very hard to have a male heir. He had thirty daughters instead. Of these thirty daughters, we only know the name of the eldest: Albina.

Diocletian married off his daughters to the greatest and most ambitious men. He hoped to find his male heir amongst the in laws. These princes ended up spending more time trying to curry favour with their father in law than the did trying to impress their own wives.†††

Above: Diocletian introduces some bearded men to his many daughters. Below, Albina leads her sisters onto the shores of Albion, whilst two hairy sex daemons look on. Bodleian Library

Understandably, the thirty daughters were quite annoyed with their men. Less understandably, they decided to mass murder their husbands all in one night.

Diocletian was revolted. He cursed his daughters and had them imprisoned on a boat. He had the rudder and sails cut so that they could not steer, and then set them adrift. They drifted for days until they were wrecked on the shores of an uninhabited island. Albina leapt off the boat first and claimed the land as her own. Henceforth it would always be known as Albion, in her honour.

At first the women lived off gathering nuts, vegetables and fruits. However, after a while they learned to hunt. In medieval thought, meat was closely associated with lust. These thirty women were stranded without the company of men, and were cursed by all mankind. The women took a desperate step: they summoned daemons and had sex with them. Nine month later, this resulted in half-daemon babies. These cursed children became the race of Giants.†††

In the foreground: Albina and her crew land. In the background: 250 years later Brutus and his crew land, whilst two giants look on. Public domain.

This story has really been a long way of telling you that Albion was not abandoned. It was the home of a fearsome race of giants, born of the union between cursed murderesses and spooky sex daemons.

Making Britain, Founding London

The Trojans landed at Totness. Brutus was the first to touch the land. He named in Britain, after himself. They set ashore and drove the shocked giants into retreat. Corineus proved to be a masterful giant slayer.

Brutus lands and battles giants

On the left, Brutus and his party land. On the right, giants are attacked by the Trojans on horseback. Public domain.

The giants were not yet vanquished. They gathered together under the leadership of the greatest and most terrifying of the giants, named Gogmagog. He was so huge and so strong that he could pluck up an oak tree as though it were a stick.

One day, when the Trojans were holding festivities for the Gods, Gogmagog led a part of twenty giants in a sneak attack. At first the Trojans were slaughtered. But Brutus then rallied his men and they turned the tide. Eventually, every giant lay dead save Gogmagog.

Gogmagog would have a different ending. Brutus set up a grand gladiator tournament. Corineus and Gogmagog would wrestle, to the death. If Corineus won, he would become Duke of a province.

The fight was fearsome. At first Gogmagog had the upper hand. He squeezed Corineus so hard that three of his ribs shattered. Corineus bellowed in pain and hoisted up the Giant. Gogmagog was tossed high in the air, over the cliff and was dashed on the rocks in the sea.

Corineus throws Gogmagog into the sea. Original image from Bodleain Laud Misc 733, sourced from here.

The death of the King of the Giants was a momentous occasion. The Trojans were now in charge of the whole island. They could make their new Troy.

Brutus scoured the island for the perfect location. He found it on the Thames river. There he erected a mighty city with a grand palace, which would later (some say) become the London Guildhall. He erected a temple to Diana, which would later be turned into St Paul’s Cathedral. He also raised up the first walls and towers around the city. He endowed the city with all of the rights, liberties and governing structures associated with old Troy.

He named it Troy Novant, or new Troy. But we call it London. By this reckoning, London was founded a little before Rome!

On he left, King Brutus points to where he wants to build the city. Bottom: two masons work on stone. Top right: the new city of Troynovant rises. Public domain.

There, King Brutus and Queen Innogene became the first King and Queen of Britain. They founded a long line of Kings who would rule through to the time of King Arthur.

And I hope, if you’ve reached the end of this blog, that you begin to understand why Londoners though it was worth claiming to have been founded by Brutus of Troy. He was high born, but was rejected by his family. Brutus was a chivalric hero, but one who fought dirty. He was privileged, yet he fought for slaves. He was a sort of valiant mash up of Spartacus, Odysseus, King Arthur and the Mayflower pilgrims.  

Christianising London; or the strange story of St Erkenwald’s corpse

About this series: In the period I work on – fifteenth century London – Londoners had developed all sorts of legends and myths and had lots of ways of retelling their past. These histories fascinate me and are my main topic of research. However, in this series I am investigating the truth or fiction behind some of those myths.

This post concludes a four-part miniseries where I investigate London’s early history, pre 800 A.D.

  1. History of London to 800 A.D.
  2. The Battle for London, 296
  3. Daily life in Anglo-Saxon London
  4. St Erkenwald and the Christianisation of London

Christianising London

We don’t have much good knowledge of Anglo-Saxon pagan religion. We know the names of their principal Gods: Wodin, king of the Gods; Tiw, a god associated with heroic glory, war, and law; and Thunor, the god of Thunder. We assume that their mythology was similar to the better recording legends of the Scandinavians, with Odin Wodin being Odin and Thunor being Thor. Anglo-Saxons didn’t build temples but preferred to worship outdoors. Judging from archaeology they were fond of adopting ancient British and Roman places of worship such as old standing stones, and also liked to worship around trees or at streams.

https://www.essexinfo.net/essex-saints/assets/images/saint-mellitus-3
Above: In a modern stained glass window, St Mellitus clutches Old St Paul’s church. https://www.essexinfo.net/essex-saints/essex-saints/

In 604 a man arrived in the city named Mellitus. He was part of a great mission, authorised by the Pope, sent to convert the people of England. Mellitus set himself up as apostle to the men of Essex, and installed himself as bishop of London. He probably spent a lot of time at the royal court, but the building of a new Cathedral must have provided jobs and stirred interest in the city.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2b/AugustineGospelsFolio125rPassionScenes.jpg
Above: the ‘Gospels of St Augustine’, now at Canterbury Cathedral. Tradition states that this book was the personal property of St Mellitus. Public domain image.

St Paul’s was probably raised on its current site – that is inside the old walls of the Roman city, at a time when most Londoners lived outside of the walls. Mellitus was making a powerful claim that the church was bringing back the Roman glory days. Early Christians would have had to traipse in to the old ruined city, through the old city wall in order to worship – this must have been a daunting experience!

Pagan Reaction

Perhaps it was too daunting, because the first generation of the mission didn’t go very well. In 616 the Christian king, Saebert, died and his three pagan sons took over. Bede claims that burst in on Mellitus whilst he was trying to say mass at his Cathedral:

“And when they saw the bishop, whilst celebrating mass in the church, give the eucharistic bread to the people, they, puffed up with barbarous folly…[said]… to him, ‘Why do you not give us also that white bread, which you used to give to our father Saebert, and which you still continue to give to the people in the church?’

To them, the Bishop answered, ‘If you will be washed in that water of salvation, in which your father was washed, you may also partake of the holy bread of which he partook; but if you despise the water of life, you may not receive the bread of life.’”

(Bede, Ecclesiastical History, Book 2, chapter 5, here )

The pagans were outraged. They wanted the magic bread, and they weren’t going to wash for it! If these quarrelsome Christians were going to make a massive fuss and disobey the kings for something as minor as a piece of bread, then they must be troublemakers! They ran Bishop Mellitus out of town and for thirty years the Cathedral stood empty.

An artist's impression of the tomb
Above: The Princely grave at Prittlewell. This is the grave of an East Anglian ruler from about this period who shows mixed evidence of some pagan and some Christian art. Scholars have speculated that this could be the burial of Saebert, although some evidence suggests it could be a generation earlier. Original image by MONA, taken from this BBC article: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-essex-48203883

Introducing Earconwald

Christianity was down, but it was not out. There were several decades where London could have gone either way, but by the 660s, the Christian King Sebbi expelled his pagan brother and restored Christianity. Sebbi was so pious that later he would abdicate his throne and retire to a monastery. He had a particularly strong partnership with a pious monk named Earconwald. Nowadays you’ll commonly see it spelled ‘Erkenwald’, which is the middle English version of the same name.

Rather handily, Earconwald would later become a saint and have legends written about him. Much of the rest of this blog post relies on the twelfth century life of St Erkenwald written by Arcoid of London: The Saint of London: The Life and Miracles of St Erkenwald, ed. E. Gordon Whatley, (Binghampton, 1989).

With Sebbi’s help, Earconwald set about rebuilding Christianity. He first founded Chertsey abbey for monks. Next, Earconwald’s sister Ethelburga founded Barking abbey for nuns.

Chertsey Breviary - St. Erkenwald.jpg
Above: Erkenwald instructs the monks of Chertsey abbey; from an initial in the Chertsey Breviary. Public domain image, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Earconwald#/media/File:Chertsey_Breviary_-_St._Erkenwald.jpg

Finally, in around 675 Earconwald got a promotion and became Bishop of London. He liked to be seen in public and to preach to the people – so much so that, even when he was too old and frail to walk, he had a horse litter built so that he could still preach in the streets. According to a much later (and not very reliable) story, once a wheel fell off his litter but the vehicle carried on travelling smoothly as if nothing had happened! The people apparently appreciated his common touch and his sense of charity, and Christianity flourished under his rule – or at least so his late biographers tell us.

The unlikely tale of the stolen body

He was staying at Barking abbey, with his sister and the nuns, when illness finally took him. His later biographer tells us that “as he passed from among them, a most marvellous fragrance and sweetest odour filled the cell where he lay, as if the whole house were drenched in perfume” (Vita of St Erkenwald, 91).

https://i0.wp.com/www.upbarking.co.uk/uploads/3/1/4/5/31457485/5210121_orig.jpg
Above: Ethelburga, sister of Erkenwald and Abbess at Barking, the Nunnery at which he died. sourced from here

What a sweet end. What came next however, spoiled it. Two separate crowds turned up at the same time to claim the body: one was made up of monks from Chertsey, the monastery that Earconwald had founded. The other was a large crowd of ordinary people from London, led by the canons of St Paul’s. Both sides wanted to take the cold, dead Earconwald back with them to be buried

There was an ugly stand off in the yard: nasty names were called and the Londoners broke into the nunnery. A crowd of laymen grabbed the body and legged it! The monks and nuns set out in hot pursuit, “weeping and wailing for the body of the blessed man” (Vita, 91). The chase was on!

As if there was not enough melodrama in this tale, a storm began to gather. The rain lashed down, the wind “was so violent that people could scarcely stand upright” (Vita, 91). The candles around the body were blown out. As the chase tried to cross the river Hile, also known as the River Roding, the waters surged up and blocked their paths forwards and backwards.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1f/River_roding_barking_london.jpg
Above: The site of the confrontation on the River Roding. It is perhaps a little less dramatic or romantic than I had hoped. Public domain image

Still the two parties fought each other. But then, from amongst the Londoners stood up a learned and devout man who cried out that they must stop. This ridiculous chase had gone on long enough and was angering God. Everyone had to lie on the floor, pray for forgiveness, and let God decide.

This seemed a sensible enough suggestion and they all did so. Quickly the storm passed, and all of the candles around the body spontaneously lit themselves. The river lowered and presented them with their path back to London. Earconwald was going back to St Paul’s! God had spoken: Earconwald was a Londoner, through and through!

Above: The Shrine of St Erkenwald, as drawn by William Dugdale, History of St Pauls Cathedral in London, (London, 1658), pp. 112-3

The monks and nuns didn’t miss out completely though. Earconwald’s horse litter – the one that did the wheel miracle earlier in the story – was given to Barking. It was quickly found that if an ill person took a ride on the chariot then they would become miraculously better. It quickly became a tidy little money spinner, and the monks took some pieces of the chariot back to Chertsey with them.

Both Earconwald and Sebbi were buried in St Paul’s Cathedral and they quickly became the focus of saints’ cults and pilgrimages. This local mania for miracles and relics is really the first evidence that Londoners were becoming properly enthusiastic about Christianity. The new religion had found its footing.

Exploring everyday life in early Anglo-Saxon London

About this series: In the period I work on – fifteenth century London – Londoners had developed all sorts of legends and myths and had lots of ways of retelling their past. These histories fascinate me and are my main topic of research. However, in this series I am investigating the truth or fiction behind some of those myths. I don’t claim to be an expert Anglo-Saxonist.

This post continues a four-part miniseries where I investigate London’s early history, pre 800 A.D.

  1. A history of London to circa 800 A.D.
  2. The Battle for London, 296
  3. Daily Life in Anglo-Saxon London
  4. St Erkenwald and the Christianisation of London

Why don’t we take a walk in Lundenwic

We start in the old and abandoned city of Londinium. I want you to imagine a city in ruins. The city walls are still there and are standing strong, but most of the rest is disintegrating. Some of the strongest old public buildings may be holding out quite well. However the private architecture was mostly of brick and wood – neglect and the elements must be taking their toll. It wouldn’t be a pretty sight.

But in the west quarter of the city, activity has returned. There is a great wooden Cathedral and St Paul’s, and the church of St Martin Ludgate stands to attention at the west gate of the city. Around it there presumably would have been a bishop’s palace with all of the administration, food, priests and monks that that entailed. The singing of monks would have echoed through the empty city.

Below: I’ve found this map on the internet of Anglo-Saxon find-sites, but haven’t been able to verify its original source. Sourced.

https://d2o7bfz2il9cb7.cloudfront.net/main-qimg-ac318099e0b491ef1c6d9598988405ec

Moving to the West, a great road runs out of the gate and along the north side of the river. Lundenwic has grown up around this road, with jetties protruding into the river and a messy tangle of houses. Lundenwic looks quite different to the Roman city: it is unplanned, spontaneous and messy. Expect bendy and confusing sideroads, and mud underfoot.

Perhaps the most striking thing about the city is how low density it is. The Anglo-Saxons pretty much never built houses of multiple stories. Most of the houses would be small, low, wooden buildings which were widely spread out, each house in the middle of a large and spacious plot.

Even in their urban setting Londoners would have maintained large and generous gardens with farm animals and some crops – archaeologists have found many pig, sheep and cow bones throughout London. Pigs would have been ideally suited to the urban environment – able to eat any refuse and rubbish. They probably broke out and ran loose regularly. Expect to see dogs, pigs, and small children in the messy, muddy street!

Above: The Museum of London’s recreation of an Anglo-Saxon London house. https://www.museumoflondon.org.uk/application/files/3114/5615/2159/med-saxon-house.jpg

For the ordinary Anglo-Saxons in these small houses, there would be a great variety of trades. The women probably gather in a hall to spin wool and make cloths – this appears to have been considered distinctive women’s work at the time.

For the men, their jobs are more various. There are boats to be made, and pots to be shaped, which were probably two major industries. Other craftsmen would have worked metal. Some particularly fine Anglo-Saxon metalwork and jewellery survives. It is likely that they were similarly skilled in more perishable materials such as ivory, bone and wood. Others would have worked leather, hides or fur.

More surprising to modern people might be the range of rural professions: gardens needed to be tended and livestock looked after. There were still large forests close to London so forestry and hunting would have been significant employers.

Slave Life

Anglo-Saxon craftsmen were not the poorest or worst off in society. Instead they were the middle. At the bottom were the slaves. Anglo-Saxon slaves were, for the most part, war captives. Some were kept in personal service by the big men of London. Many however would have reached their highest prices by being exported. We should expect to find a slave market and many chained humans on the dockside of London, awaiting export.

At least one of these exported slaves made it into the pages of history. He was a blond haired and blue-eyed boy of a fair and striking beauty who was sold to Italian slavers. Pope Gregory the Great encountered him in the street in the year 595AD and asked what sort of a boy this was. His owner replied that the slave was an Angle, that is an Englishman. ‘He is not an Angle’, the pope replied, ‘but an Angel’. It was apparently at this moment that Pope Gregory resolved that he had to bring the English to Christianity.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/db/Westminster_Cathedral_Non_Angli_sed_Angeli_si_Christiani.jpg

Image: Pope Gregory meets the blond slave boy. A mosaic of Westminster Abbey. Public domain

Imma the Slave

A rather different London slave shows up in another anecdote from Bede, (Ecclesiastical History, IV, Ch. 22, see here). It is however a story which may stretch the credulity of a modern reader.

There once was a noble boy called Imma, who was a personal servant to King Egfrid of the Northumbrians. In 679 he was sent to fight for his king in a great battle with the Mercians. The Northumbrians lost.

Cowering in fear, Imma hid amongst the slain corpses for a day and a night. Eventually he sat up, and bound his wounds as best as he could. He tried to sneak off to find shelter but on the way, he was rumbled by a Mercian Earl. The earl demanded to know who he was.

Facing a powerful Mercian and his fearsome army, Imma’s courage failed him. He did not admit who he was but instead cried out:  “I am a peasant, poor and married, and I came to the army with others to bring provisions to the soldiers”. The Earl seemed convinced that he Imma was not worth killing, and instead took him into slavery.

Imma was bound in heavy iron chains, but around 9am on the next day something remarkable happened: the chains fell off of their own accord. The Earl had Imma bound again. Yet the next day at 9am, the lock popped open once more. And the next day, and the next day. The Earl was perplexed. What was this, magic? A cunning trick?

https://collections.museumoflondon.org.uk/mol/mediaLib/242/436/one94_18195_5160a.jpg

Above: A deed concerning the sale of a roman slave named Fortunata, ‘healthy and not liable to run away’, worth 600 denarii. From Roman London, 80-120AD. Museum of London, see https://collections.museumoflondon.org.uk/online/object/523294.html

Back in the north, news of Imma’s death reached his brother, Tunna, the abbot of Tunnachester. Tunna fell into deep mourning and resolved to say a mass for the soul of his dear departed brother, every day around 9am. And every day, just as he said mass, Imma’s chains popped open.

Back in the south, the Earl was perplexed. What was going on? Was it magic? Or some sort of a trick? Imma informed him that he knew the cause: his brother’s monastery was praying for him. The Earl was furious! This meant that Imma was not a peasant but a noble! He had deserved to die on the battlefield! But now that the Earl had taken Imma under his protection, he could hardly kill him now! Yet as his chains kept falling off, he couldn’t even keep him as a slave.

The Earl decided to cut his losses and brought Imma to the London slave mart. There he was sold to a rich man named Freson. Freson soon discovered, no doubt to his horror, that he had purchased the only slave in all of England who could not be bound. Freson made the best of it that he could and ransomed Imma back to his relatives.

And so the story ended happily, for almost everyone. Unlike, sadly, the stories of most slaves in reality.

Elite Life

We have looked at the world of the slave and the craftsman; but what about Freson and his ilk, the rich men of London. What was their lives like?

Freson probably lived in a great hall. Halls were the biggest sort of Anglo-Saxon home, but they were also more than that: they were hubs for the community, centres of hospitality and hubs for the economy. Halls were wooden structures built on a grand scale: one at Mucking, 30 miles from London was about 50 feet (15m) long and 25 feet (7.5m) wide.

Below: West Stow Anglo-Saxon village. This is an attempt to re-create early Anglo-Saxon halls and houses, and gives a good introduction to domestic architecture:

To understand the hall, you really need to understand how the economy works. In the early Saxon economy, there was not a lot of money. By that I don’t mean that everyone was poor, but rather that there weren’t many coins. In particular there was a lack of small change. Small transactions were very hard to do. It made much more sense for people to exchange goods, and only use coins for big things like long distance trade or taxation.

Our local big man comes in here: local craftsmen and farmers will give him their produce. Beneath his wooden floor there are storage containers full of cloth, leather, hides and jewels – all of the things that the community makes. He is hoarding them, ready for his next voyage. When he comes back, he’ll have traded them for things in demand – better cloth, foreign jewels, wine, silks, spices and other exotic items.

In return for taking these goods, he has to throw open his house to his dependents. Wine, ale, mead, pork, grain, pottage – he provides it to them. So don’t be surprised as you enter the hall – through the doorway in the middle of the long side – to find that it is packed with people. The hall is the centre of the social life of the area!

https://www.museumoflondon.org.uk/application/files/3914/5615/2459/med-golden-garnet-brooch.jpg

Above: Museum of London: A garnet broach of the mid 7th century, discovered in a grave at Covent garden. See https://www.museumoflondon.org.uk/application/files/3914/5615/2459/med-golden-garnet-brooch.jpg

The atmosphere is thick and heavy in the hall. That isn’t just because of the crush of people and the sweet-smelling food. It is also because the hall is poorly ventilated. A hearth burns in the middle and the smoke rises into the thatch above. There is no chimney, only some vents in the gable ends. Even more puzzling to modern eyes, a section of the hall is often devoted to the animals, adding a whole new range of smells to the palette.

The people in the hall have finished eating. As the dark night sets in, an elder stand up and offers to recite some poetry. The Anglo-Saxons were great tale tellers and I would like to end this tour with a section from a real Anglo-Saxon poem.

Undefined

Above: A drinking horn of about 800AD. Museum of London, see https://collections.museumoflondon.org.uk/online/object/136202.html

This poem is called ‘The Ruin’ and it is pretty much the only poem from this period about a city. In it, the poet wanders in a ruined city and laments its destruction. He tries to imagine what it was once like to live there when it was a thriving town.

Whilst we don’t think that this poem is about London – more likely it is about Bath or Chester – but I think it can give us an idea of what the city was like. When he describes the crumbling ruin, it gives us an idea what it was like to stand in the ruins of Londinium. And when he imagines a city filled with life and treasure, maybe we can find an echo of thriving Lundenwic.

I’ve rearranged the pieces of the poem to try and make it a bit easier to understand:

Bright were the castle buildings, many the bathing-halls,
high the abundance of gables, great the noise of the multitude,
many a meadhall full of festivity,
until Fate the mighty changed that.
Far and wide the slain perished, days of pestilence came,
death took all the brave men away;
their places of war became deserted places,
the city decayed. The rebuilders perished,
the armies to earth. And so these buildings grow desolate,
and this red-curved roof parts from its tiles
of the ceiling-vault. The ruin has fallen to the ground
broken into mounds, where at one time many a warrior,
joyous and ornamented with gold-bright splendour,
proud and flushed with wine shone in war-trappings;
looked at treasure, at silver, at precious stones,
at wealth, at prosperity, at jewellery,
at this bright castle of a broad kingdom.

The Ruin, translation sourced from here

But, we must sigh, he doesn’t any more. The ruin is an empty shell. There is however life in Lundenwic yet.

Romans vs Germans: The Battle for London, 296

About this series: In the period I work on – fifteenth century London – Londoners had developed all sorts of legends and myths and had lots of ways of retelling their past. These histories fascinate me and are my main topic of research. However, in this series I am investigating the truth or fiction behind some of those myths.

This post continues a four-part miniseries where I investigate London’s early history, pre 800 A.D.

  1. An overview history of London, to 800AD
  2. The Battle for London, 296
  3. Daily Life in Anglo-Saxon London
  4. St Erkenwald and the Christianisation of London

The oldest ever picture of London

The year 296 might not mean a lot to you. It does however mark a milestone in the history of London: the oldest surviving image of London was made in this year. Constantius I, the Caesar (junior co-emperor) of Rome struck a golden medal which has a picture of the city on it.

Above: The medal of Constantius I celebrating the capture of London. Public domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Constantius_I_capturing_London_after_defeating_Allectus_Beaurains_hoard.jpg

The way that the Romans represented London is very far from how we would today. The city is represented by a submissive and kneeling woman, Londinia (labelled ‘Lon’), who shrinks before the awesome majesty of the Emperor. Behind her are two towers and a wall, representing the London walls and fortifications.

Bearing down on Londinia the mighty and warlike Constantius, on the back of his war horse and clutching a spear. Next to him floats a ship, representing his mighty navy. Londinia has been conquered and laid low by a fearsome military force.

Constantinius had won a victory at the battle of London, and he wanted everyone to know it. He also had a panegyric (praise poem) written in which a sycophantic poet praised him for his glorious deeds. Between the medal, the panegyric and a few other wources, we actually know quite a lot about this battle. In this post I am going to run through the story of the Battle of London, 296.

Britannia, the troubled province

The year 296 represented for Britons a sort of season finale to a much longer period of disturbance which had lasted on and off for about a century. The two biggest recurring problems were revolts by generals and invasions by foreign barbarians. Britain was a frontier province, which meant that when invaders came knocking, Britain was often the first to answer. Because of this, Britain also had a massive garrison of soldiers. A large garrison situated far from Rome’s watchful eye meant that Britain was particularly prone to revolts by discontented generals and their soldiers.

The German soldiers serving in Britain revolted in 286 and declared a ‘Britannic Empire’ of Britain and Gaul. Rome was unhappy about this but had its own troubles. The Romans retook Gaul in 293, but the rebels still held out across the narrow sea.

The British soldiers deposed their emperor and put up Allectus in his place, a German of the Menapian tribe. Allectus tried desperately to negotiate with the Romans, and to preserve some of his independence. They were having none of it. It was conquest or nothing.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e8/Quinarius_Allectus_galley-RIC_0128.2.jpg
Above: A coin from Imperial pretender Allectus, showcasing his naval power. Commons licence, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Quinarius_Allectus_galley-RIC_0128.2.jpg

The Caesar (junior sub-emperor of Rome) Constantius Chlorus amassed ships and men and by 296 he was finally ready to launch an invasion. Constantius sent much of his navy ahead of him. The plan was probably to destroy the British navy at the Solent by the Isle of White and so clear the path for a land invasion. Constantius waited in Gaul, ready to man the land invasion.

The Battles of the Solent, and London

The fleet set off in September 296 but met with an unforeseen problem: a massive bank of fog. Most of the fleet made it to the right destination and won a major victory. However, some of the ships became separated and lost in the fog. They must have been stuck for quite some time, because they ended up accidentally arriving in London.

They arrived on a chaotic scene: after Allectus had lost his battle in the Solent, his Frankish German mercenaries had seen the writing on the wall. The Britannic empire was not going to be around long enough to pay their wages! They had turned heel and gone to London where they were pillaging the city. The Roman fleet landed, beat the Franks and claimed London again for Rome.

The Panegyric is not the clearest of documents, but here is how it describes events:

Invincible Caesar, with such accord have the immortal gods granted you destruction of all the enemies you assailed, and especially the Franks, that those troops of yours who had lost their way through fog at sea, became detached…and made their way to London. There through all the city they destroyed the remnants of the barbarous horde that had survived the battle, just as they were taking thought for flight after pillaging the place, and thus afforded your provincials not only safety by slaughter of the foe, but also the pleasure of beholding it. What a manifold victory, one marked by countless triumphs!

Stanley Ireland, Roman Britain: A sourcebook, 3rd edition, (London, 2008), p. 132]

Roman Triumph

Constantius had sat out these battles, and it is possible that he did not expect victory to come so quickly or easily. He sped across the channel. The Panegyric tells us that his next move was to hold a Triumphal entry, a traditional rite whereby a conqueror enters a city and is acclaimed by the people. Our text doesn’t specifically say that this was at London, but it appears to be the logical choice.

Our author describes it as follows:

Deserved, therefore, was the triumphal gathering that streamed forth to greet your majesty the moment that you landed on the shore, the longed-for avenger and liberator. Beside themselves with joy, the Britons met you with their wives and children. With veneration they regard not only you yourself, on whom they looked as one from heaven descended, but even the sails and oars of that vessel that brought your divine person, and they were ready on their prostrate bodies your tread to feel.

No wonder it is if they were borne along by such great joy after so many years of most wretched captivity, the violation of their wives, their children’s shameful servitude. At last they were free, at last Romans, at last restored afresh by the true light of the empire!’

Stanley Ireland, Roman Britain: A sourcebook, (London, 2008), p. 133

Now look again at the medal. It has lots of the same elements that the panegyric gives to the triumph. It has the ship, the triumphal lord, and the women prostrating themselves.

The medal and the poem are two of the lasting legacies of this battle. However, they aren’t the only one. The revolt of 286-296 was also a great inspiration to the twelfth century writer and forger Geoffrey of Monmouth who respun it into a British war of independence. Expect me to revisit this in the future!

A Brief History of Early London, to 800 A.D.

About this series: In the period I work on – fifteenth century London – Londoners had developed all sorts of legends and myths and had lots of ways of retelling their past. These histories fascinate me and are my main topic of research. However, in this series I am investigating the truth or fiction behind some of those myths.

This post begins a four-part miniseries where I investigate London’s early history, pre 800 A.D.

  1. Overview of London, 43 A.D. to 800 A.D.
  2. The Battle for London, 296
  3. Daily life in Anglo-Saxon London
  4. St Erkenwald and the Christianisation of London

In the Beginning

London goes back a long way. Historians and archaeologists have speculated that London could be older than the Romans – in Celtic languages ‘-don’ means a fort or fortified palace. However, if there was ever a British chieftain’s palace, fort or village at London, then archaeologists still haven’t found it.

The Romans thundered into Britain in 43AD. They didn’t just want to conquer Britain: they wanted to remake it in a Roman style. A key part of this was to introduce city living. The Romans built planned settlements with all of the cultured features that Romans would expect: from grand government buildings down to everyday things such as under floor heating in houses. These showy little propaganda projects declared to the Britons exactly what they could expect if they got on board with the Roman project. The Romans also built a series of forts, military walls and army bases to show the Britons what would happen if they didn’t get on board with the Roman project.

London was not originally one of these showcase towns. Roman military engineers spotted that London was a good site for a bridge. They build a fort to defend the bridge, and a port to provision the fort.

London was a great place for a port because the river at London is tidal. This means that at some times of the day, the flow of the river reverses: ships can ride the tide in to the port, wait a while and then ride the river currents out. London is also far enough from the sea that the river water is not salty.

Combine that with an important bridge, a prominent place in the road network and a site of military importance, and it is easy to see why the town grew so fast. They christened their new settlement ‘Londinium’, and it grew up as a grubby little port city.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4e/London-Roman-model.jpg
Above: A model of Roman London bridge, on display at the Museum of London. Photo by Steven G Johnson, Creative commons licence: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:London-Roman-model.jpg

And yet it all could have ended so easily. In 60 AD a serious revolt spread through the Britons. Queen Boadicea of the Iceni led her chariot-riding armies down Watling street and burned London to the ground. Soon her rebellion was crushed.

But London’s site was too good to waste, and the Romans rebuilt. Out of the ashes, Rome started to build Londinium again. This time it was not to be a ramshackle, unplanned little military port: it was to be one of the biggest and best planned cities north of the Alps.

London was set out, like most Roman towns, as a great grid. Londinium had all of the mod cons: a forum, which was the centre of political and commercial life; a bustling port; steamy bathhouses; large and grand temples; and an amphitheatre. It wasn’t just a political capital though – it was a busy port, a thriving commercial city and in the second century it established itself as the largest city north of the Alps at about 60,000 strong.

One fun way to learn more about the city at its height is from this interactive map of archaeological sites and finds in the city, (here).††

A much more approximate map can be seen below.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/19/Map_Londinium_400_AD-en.svg/800px-Map_Londinium_400_AD-en.svg.png
Above: An approximate map of Londinium. It mixes some features from different periods, and so is not entirely accurate. Commons licence, see https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Map_Londinium_400_AD-en.svg

Crisis of Londinium in the third century

The second century was the city’s peak. The peace of the early Roman period began to give way after around 200 AD and the British provinces suffered from invasions from the Picts, Germans and others. It was also the site of a number of soldier revolts, in which the garrisons of Britain declared their generals to be Emperor. The empire fractured and split into pieces.

The greatest and most lasting symbol of this period was London Wall: the Romans constructed huge stone walls around London which enclose an area of around one square mile. Parts of these walls are still standing today, and they mark the historic divide of the old town (‘the Square mile’) and the rest of London.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e6/London_Wall_fragment.jpg
Above: A surviving Roman section of London Wall at Tower hill station. Photograph by John Winfield, creative commons licence https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:London_Wall_fragment.jpg

The empire reunified gradually in the late 200s and was ruled as a whole by Emperor Constantine the Great (306-337). While the empire was successfully stuck back together, the province of Britain did not quite return to how it had been. It had been ravaged by invaders repeatedly and lost much of its prosperity. The Romans were also very suspicious of its loyalty on account of the revolts, and maintained a heavy military presence.

Londinium was rebuilt as a political and military centre, and for a while was renamed ‘Augusta’, a title which suggests that it was a city favoured by the Emperors. However, it never quite recovered as a commercial centre. Dominic Perring suggests that in the early 300s the city might have consisted of as little as 100 houses (D. Perring, Roman London p. 127): hardly a thriving imperial capital! Roman Britain was a fundamentally rural place. The Roman experiment with cities had never quite taken.

Above: The medal of Constantius I celebrating the capture of London from a force of rebellious German soldiers in the year 296. London is both the tower in the background, and the kneeling woman. Public domain: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Constantius_I_capturing_London_after_defeating_Allectus_Beaurains_hoard.jpg

Troubles returned to haunt the Empire and in around 410 the Romans withdrew their last garrisons. The Britons seem to have fragmented quickly into lots of little states. Mercenaries who had been invited over from Germany – from the Angle and Saxon tribes – quickly became important to the military and began to dominate. Our picture of exactly what was going on in London in this period is hazy. The archaeology suggests that very few people were living in the city after the year 400, but a few may have held on as late as about 450. But by the mid-400s at the latest, the site of London within the walls was abandoned.

Lundenwic

We used to think that there was a big gap in London’s story here: there is simply no archaeology within the walls of London between about 450 and about 800 AD. And yet, in Anglo-Saxon chronicles and charters there are occasional references to something called ‘Lundenwic’. ‘Wic’ means market: what exactly was Londonmarket?

It wasn’t until the 1980s that archaeologists figured this puzzle out. In a part of town called ‘Aldwych’ (a name which probably comes from ‘Old Wic’) they found the remains of an Anglo-Saxon town. This is around Covent Garden, lying between the modern-day Westminster and the Square Mile. This is a very sought-after area with many historic buildings – as such archaeologists haven’t been able to do as much digging as they would like. Our picture of Lundenwic is therefore still developing.

Below: I’ve found this map on the internet of Anglo-Saxon find-sites, but haven’t been able to verify its original source. Sourced:

https://d2o7bfz2il9cb7.cloudfront.net/main-qimg-ac318099e0b491ef1c6d9598988405ec

In Anglo-Saxon times this site would have been a rural area outside of the walls of the Roman town. It appears that it may have begun as a small fishing port and import market, but grew steadily as Anglo-Saxon England began to gain some stability. At its peak size, around 800 A.D., it may have housed 10,000 people. This is small by today’s standards, but large for the early middle ages.

Early Anglo-Saxon England was a violent and chaotic place, full of petty kings and Kingdoms. Every King in England wanted a piece of London. Just for example, consider the length of the Thames. London’s area was settled by the Middle Saxons, or the men of ‘Middle Sex’. They were wedged between the East Saxons (Essex), South Saxons (Sussex), and the Kingdom of Kent. If we follow the Thames further in land, it would have flowed through the territories of two other powerful kingdoms, Wessex in the West of England and Mercia in the middle.

Rather staggeringly, every single kingdom that I just named had a go at taking over London at some point. First Essex gobbled up London and Middlesex. Next Essex was bullied and dominated by Sussex and Kent, with Kent as the main winner by about 600AD. This couldn’t last: Mercia stormed down to beat Kent, and took London as a prize. Mercia squabbled with Wessex but mostly held its own until England was invaded by Vikings from Scandinavia. The Vikings humbled Mercia and took over London in 886. London was burned at least once in this period. Finally, Wessex drove out the Vikings by about 900AD. In the process it renamed itself England and took over the whole country, including London.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9f/Anglo-Saxon_Heptarchy.jpg/800px-Anglo-Saxon_Heptarchy.jpg
Above: A very approximate map of the kingdoms of early Anglo-Saxon England, from J.G. Bartholomew, A Literary and historical Atlas of Europe, (London, 1914) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heptarchy#/media/File:Anglo-Saxon_Heptarchy.jpg

It wasn’t just politics that was in flux: different religions were in a battle for souls. London bounced back and forth between pagan religions and Christianity.

London was clearly a place of struggle and strife. It often found itself on the frontiers between kingdoms and between religions. What did this mean for the average Londoner? This is the question that I hope, at least in part, to answer in the rest of this miniseries.

A pub crawl with Tudor poets, part 2: two gatherings of gossips

This is part two of a short series. We are doing a pub crawl through Tudor London, using poetry. You can find part one here.

                Song of the Gossips, (Balliol College, MS. 354)    

I much more artful and interesting poem is the ‘Song of the Gossips’. This one was collected by a London merchant and grocer called Richard Hill, who kept a personal notebook of fun poems and trivia from about 1509 to about 1536. Hill’s notebook is a great source, which I’m sure I’ll come back to often in this blog. His tastes in poems and literature were wide-ranging: we can use him with equal authority on religion, sex, beer brewing recipes, and even occult practices!

One of Hill’s appointments was as panter – a sort of party planner – to the city. This meant that some of his livelier poems might have been performed publicly at merchant booze-ups in the city. I can fully imagine that the “Song of the Gossips” might have gone down well at a party. It has a bouncy rhythm and there is a nice, simple, singalong chorus:

                How, Gossip mine, gossip mine?

                When will we go to the wine?

                Good gossips mine!

I like to imagine a whole tavern singing along. Sadly, no tune survives. Perhaps a modern folksinger can resurrect it? Anyway, lets get on to the poem:

I shall you tell a full good sport:

How gossips gather with those of their sort,

and they seek their bodies to comfort.

When they meet,

In lane or street.

Good gossip mine!

But I dare not, for their displeasure,

Tell of these matters half the substance!

But yet, somewhat of their governance (i.e. how they rule themselves)

As far as I dare,

I will declare.

Good gossips mine

The story proper starts with a group of ‘gossips’ who meet in the street. They challenge each other to show where the best wine is, and they shortly end up in a tavern. There, they summon all of their gossip friends and instruct them to order up a feast:

“Call forth our gossips, by and by!

 Eleanor, Joan and Margery,

Margret, Alice and Cecily,

For they will come,

Both all and some,

Good gossips mine!

And each of them will some food bring:

Goose or pig, or capon wing,

Pastes of pigeon, or some other thing!

For we must eat,

Some manner of meat.

Good gossip mine!

[…]

Now we be in the tavern set,

A draught of the best wine let them fetch,

To bring our husbands out of debt!

For we will spend,

Till God more sends!

Good gossips mine!

When we compare to ‘A talk of ten wives on their husband’s ware’, it is quite noticeable how much better developed these characters are. On a basic level, they have names! There is also some fun to be had out of a general sense of female companionship, and of eating and drinking together. They seem to have pre-existing relationships with each other, for example in one verse a woman sighs:

 “I wish Anne were here.

She would make us cheer”.

Anne never shows up – it is just a bit of unnecessary back story and characterisation which helps make the women feel a bit more real.

Satire-laced realism is also on display near the end of the poem, when a woman leaves without paying her part of the bill:

One cast down her shot, and went a way

“Gossip”, said Eleanor, “What, did she pay?”

Replied she, “Not a penny! Lo! Therefor I say

Now she shall not

Be one of our lot

Good gossips mine!”

The poem’s attention to society and reality has a darker side: it comes out through domestic violence.

Several women express fear that their husbands will beat them for having been in the pub. One of the women suggests that she need to sneak home and work out where her husband is: she fears that she will be beaten if her husband finds out that she was at the tavern. When they exit the pub at the end of the poem, they agree to walk around town and split up so that they don’t look like they’ve come from the pub: (“Turn down the street, when you come out/ And we will compass round about”).

In another verse a woman named Evis explains why she is sad:

                For my husband is so foul,

                He beats me like the devil of hell

                And the more I cry

                The less mercy”

Thankfully, this poor woman has two supportive friends. There is Alice, who curses men; and Margaret, who fights them:

                Alice, with a loud voice spoke then:

                “Evis”, she said, “Little good he can

                do that beats or strikes any woman,

                And especially his wife.

                God give him a short life!

                Good gossips mine.

                Meek Margret said: “So may I thrive,

                I know of no man who is alive,

                Who can give me two strokes, but he gets five!

                I am not affeared,

                Though he have a beard!

                Good gossips mine!

In “A talk of ten wives on their husband’s ware”, some fairly tame criticisms are hurled at mankind. But in the “Song of the Gossips”, the satire has a much more savage bite. The poem very directly faces up to the everyday violence that many women faced.

The poem ends on a lighter note:

This is the plan that gossips take:

Once in a week, merry will they make,

And all small drinks they will forsake.

But wine of the best,

Shall have no rest.

Good gossips mine!

Some be at the tavern thrice in the week,
And some be there every day, each!

Or else they will groan and make themselves sick.

For things used,

Will not be refused,

Good gossips mine!

One thing that I really like about this poem is the way that it really focuses on the women, their relationships and their conversations. It is a satirical and over the top portrait of tavern life.

The conversation topics for the women feel very familiar: food! drink! money! married partners! friends who haven’t come out tonight! Plans for after the pub! Husbands are only one of the many topics.

It still probably represents a man’s eye view of these things – note for instance that all of the women are said to be spending their husband’s money. In fact many women in medieval London earned their own money from spinning or brewing. It is quite likely that many of the women would have been spending their own money. Our poet doesn’t seem to have thought of that.

If you want to read more of this poem then you can find it in Songs, carols and other Miscellaneous Poems, Ed. Roman Dyboski, (London, 1907), here.

You can see Richard Hill’s manuscript here

                Samuel Rowlands, ‘Tis Merry when Gossips meet, (London, 1609)

The latest of our texts is also by far the longest at about 20 pages. It is also unique because we know the name of its author. Like the ‘Song of the Gossips’, this poem sees several ‘Gossips’ gather in the tavern and talk somewhat broadly about life. However, in this instance there are only three. They have titles rather than names: Widow, Wife and Maid.

Widow and wife are cousins, but Maid’s connections are a bit less clear: if we read this literally then this poem presents us with a family trip to the pub. However, this isn’t just a family reunion. The poet has assembled three women to represent the three stages of a woman’s life: childhood, adulthood and old age. There is an allegory about age hanging over this poem which means that it is not just satirising pub culture and daily life.

Widow acts as the ringleader, and draws the other two women to the pub:

                Widow:                Here’s widow, wife and maid: In faith, lets drink!

                                                A parting pint, and so good make us even.

                                                Slip in, good cousin, you are net to the door.

                                                One pint of kindness and away, no more!

                Wife:                     No, in good faith: I say I must away,

                                                My husband is forth, our shop must be tended.

                Maid:                    My mothers gone to church, I cannot stay.

                                                If I be found from home, she’ll be offended

                Widow:                I’ll lead the way myself: Lord here’s a life!

                                                I know these shifts, since I was Maid and wife. (Page 10)

Wife suggests that they take a quick pint standing at the pub’s street hatch. The crafty old woman doesn’t want to drink in the street. She cajoles them upstairs, where they procure a private room.

Widow relishes her freedom, but wants to spend it away from the company of men. She explains that you couldn’t pay her to drink in front of men, but she will act as she likes around women:

                Widow:                No lovers nor suitors here that sees it,

                                                We have good time and liquor, lets not lose it. (Page 12)

Despite this, the widow can’t secure a female only retreat in the way that she’d like. The room keeps being invaded by men.

At one point it is a fiddler, who plays for money:

“Shut the door pray cousin, after that base groom

We’ll have no fiddling knave disgrace our room!”.

Another unwelcome male invasion is more insidious: tobacco smoke seeps out from the male parts of the pub. Tobacco was a new fad that was becoming popular as England was establishing its first Virginia colonies. The three women are less than impressed: The widow remarks “Fou! what a filthy smell? / As sure as death I am even likely to choke”. The wife remarks that she has forbidden her husband to smoke, and summons juniper to clear the air, (page 28).

A third unwelcome male intervention comes in the form of a laughing serving boy. The widow immediately assumes that his laugher is a personal insult to her dignity. She upbraids him fiercely, demands don’t you know who I am???, and threatens to boycott the pub.

The real joy of this poem isn’t really in its observations about pub culture though. They mostly come from having three female characters at different stages of life talk about themselves.

The widow is the dominant character. She has wealth, and no man to tell her what to do. She clearly relishes the freedom that this gives her. The widow has strong views on men and their beauty: she has a lingering hatred for gingers, but declares “I love a black man, cousin, with my soul” (22). I think she means black hair, but frankly it isn’t totally clear. She tells us that she is being courted by a kind and handsome man, though also one who has “prettie lands” (page 19). She is wily and knows all the tricks in the book, and has been feigning illness in order to test how interested he is. The widow is by turns scandalous, cynical and skilful. She is fully able to live without a man; and if she does live with one, can bend and manipulate him to her will. She is, in short, the worst nightmare of many of the male readers of this text!

The widow is highly nostalgic and has a tendency to reminisce about past times. She has clearly always had an active social life. At one point, a woman called Jane is mentioned, who Widow used to party with. Jane and Widow used to live in Bucklersbury together, a central street just of Cheapside. Now however Jane has married a man called Roger and moved out to London Wall, far from the heart of the city:

                Widow:                Lord, the pranks that we mad wenches played!

                                                My mistress got my master to consent

                                                One midsummer, she being very ill,

                                                to leave the city and go lie in Kent.

                                                By which good hap, we had the house at will:

                                                There Roger, Jane and I met every night…

                                                No music in the evening we did lack,

                                                Such dancing, cousin, you would hardly think it;

                                                Whole pottles of the daintiest burned sack,

                                                It would doo a wench good at the heart to drink it

                                                Such a store of tickling galliards, I do vow,

                                                Not an old dance, but “John Come kiss me now”. (page 13)

By contrast, the wife is more sober and conservative. The Widow represents a “radical” position of being able to live without a man. By contrast the wife is much more dependent. She voices strong support for the idea that every woman should be married off. She also supports the idea that marriage should be as young as possible, to save girls from teenage lechery. She is very proud of her husband and a bit defensive of him. But she also declares that she doesn’t care if he knows she has been to the pub. She boasts of her ability to use feigned sicknesses to manipulate him.

Her youth appears to have been conservative and conventional:

                Yet trust me cousin, when I was a girl,

                For tavern, no young man could get me to it.

                Neither love, gold, precious stones, or pearl.

                My tongue denied, when my hard inclined to do it.

                For, by my faith, I ever loved good wine,

                But often refrained, I was so maiden fine. (Page 25)

The Maid is young and inexperienced, aged only 15. After only one cup, she remarks “Good Lord, I am become a mighty drinker!” (Page 12), so she is clearly something of a lightweight. She is in general the quietest member of the group, and is often happy to ask questions rather than say much. She states that she will only marry a handsome man, and expresses wishes to marry for love: “A fig for wealth, ‘tis person I affect” (26).

Most of their conversation however ends up being about men and age: specifically, is it better to be a maid, a wife or a widow? It is a long argument and I’m not going to repeat it all. They don’t quite come to a conclusion, but I’d suggest that the Widow often seems to have the best of it. Ultimately, it is an interesting slice of pub culture, but is perhaps more noticable for its attempts to satire women and their relationship with men.

If you want to read more, you can find a nineteenth century edition here.

Summing up

Our three poems have strong similarities. They all start with a group of women meeting by chance in the street and heading to be pub. They all show groups of women who start to talk about things that they couldn’t if men were present. They all carry with them a sense of scandal, satire and naughty fun.

Beyond this, they take some noticeably different routes. “A talk of ten wives on their husband’s ware” takes a highly bawdy route that will scandalise and titillate its readers. “Tis merry when Gossips meet” mixes scandal and satire of social relationships with a more thoughtful discussion of age and social status amongst women. Meanwhile the “Song of the Gossips” is an ode to female friendships and the importance of female relationships, with a good dose of humour and satire thrown in.

Each of the poems is about satirising and mocking drunken women. But in each of them, the women gain a sort of power through companionship and time spent away from men. The poems are not totally comfortable reading for men. “A talk of ten wives on their husband’s ware mocks male inadequacy right where it hurts. The “Song of the Gossips” raises the idea that many men are tyrants. Even when women come together in the pub for jollity and fun, their steps home have to be guided by a fear about male violence. In “Tis Merry When Gossips Meet”, the widow raises the frightening (to Tudor men at least) prospect of a woman who is not dependent on men, nor is supervised by them. The Tudors used pub songs to talk about these fears, inadequacies and insecurities. Even in their laughter, there is sometimes something dark and a bit painful.